As Americans we blame the war on Iraq as that fault of the republican party. However, we are forgeting the attacks that were made during Clinton’s era in 1998. Below are some old news coverage about the attacks and Clinton’s justification of the attacks. Notice the simlarites between what he says , and what Bush said a couple years after. It is the same lies. Also, Below that, I will post the reaction of the republican party at the time. I wonder why they changed thier minds all of the sudden, or were both parties on the same page in the begining, and maybe they are on the same side after all. You say that things are changing right now, but I just do not know any more. I have heard to many lies in the couple of years, maybe that commission of the war is just another show playing to diseeve us( I can not spell this word) again.
http://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1998/12/16/transcripts/clinton.html
Transcript: President Clinton explains
Iraq strike
CLINTON: Good evening.
Wednesday, December 16, 1998
Earlier today, I ordered America’s armed forces to strike military and security targets in
Iraq. They are joined by British forces. Their mission is to attack
Iraq’s nuclear, chemical and biological weapons programs and its military capacity to threaten its neighbors.
Their purpose is to protect the national interest of the United States, and indeed the interests of people throughout the Middle East and around the world.
Saddam Hussein must not be allowed to threaten his neighbors or the world with nuclear arms, poison gas or biological weapons. I want to explain why I have decided, with the unanimous recommendation of my national security team, to use force in Iraq; why we have acted now; and what we aim to accomplish.
Six weeks ago, Saddam Hussein announced that he would no longer cooperate with the United Nations weapons inspectors called UNSCOM. They are highly professional experts from dozens of countries. Their job is to oversee the elimination of Iraq’s capability to retain, create and use weapons of mass destruction, and to verify that Iraq does not attempt to rebuild that capability.
The inspectors undertook this mission first 7.5 years ago at the end of the Gulf War when
Iraq agreed to declare and destroy its arsenal as a condition of the ceasefire.
The international community had good reason to set this requirement. Other countries possess weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. With Saddam, there is one big difference: He has used them. Not once, but repeatedly. Unleashing chemical weapons against Iranian troops during a decade-long war. Not only against soldiers, but against civilians, firing Scud missiles at the citizens of Israel, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Iran. And not only against a foreign enemy, but even against his own people, gassing Kurdish civilians in Northern Iraq.
The international community had little doubt then, and I have no doubt today, that left unchecked, Saddam Hussein will use these terrible weapons again.
The United States has patiently worked to preserve UNSCOM as Iraq has sought to avoid its obligation to cooperate with the inspectors. On occasion, we’ve had to threaten military force, and Saddam has backed down.
Faced with Saddam’s latest act of defiance in late October, we built intensive diplomatic pressure on
Iraq backed by overwhelming military force in the region. The UN Security Council voted 15 to zero to condemn Saddam’s actions and to demand that he immediately come into compliance.
Eight Arab nations — Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman — warned that Iraq alone would bear responsibility for the consequences of defying the UN.
When Saddam still failed to comply, we prepared to act militarily. It was only then at the last possible moment that Iraq backed down. It pledged to the UN that it had made, and I quote, a clear and unconditional decision to resume cooperation with the weapons inspectors.
I decided then to call off the attack with our airplanes already in the air because Saddam had given in to our demands. I concluded then that the right thing to do was to use restraint and give Saddam one last chance to prove his willingness to cooperate.
I made it very clear at that time what unconditional cooperation meant, based on existing UN resolutions and Iraq’s own commitments. And along with Prime Minister Blair of Great Britain, I made it equally clear that if Saddam failed to cooperate fully, we would be prepared to act without delay, diplomacy or warning.
How over the past three weeks, the UN weapons inspectors have carried out their plan for testing
Iraq’s cooperation. The testing period ended this weekend, and last night, UNSCOM’s chairman, Richard Butler, reported the results to UN Secretary-General Annan.
The conclusions are stark, sobering and profoundly disturbing.
In four out of the five categories set forth, Iraq has failed to cooperate. Indeed, it actually has placed new restrictions on the inspectors. Here are some of the particulars.
Iraq repeatedly blocked UNSCOM from inspecting suspect sites. For example, it shut off access to the headquarters of its ruling party and said it will deny access to the party’s other offices, even though UN resolutions make no exception for them and UNSCOM has inspected them in the past.
Iraq repeatedly restricted UNSCOM’s ability to obtain necessary evidence. For example,
Iraq obstructed UNSCOM’s effort to photograph bombs related to its chemical weapons program.
It tried to stop an UNSCOM biological weapons team from videotaping a site and photocopying documents and prevented Iraqi personnel from answering UNSCOM’s questions.
Prior to the inspection of another site, Iraq actually emptied out the building, removing not just documents but even the furniture and the equipment.
Iraq has failed to turn over virtually all the documents requested by the inspectors. Indeed, we know that
Iraq ordered the destruction of weapons-related documents in anticipation of an UNSCOM inspection.
So Iraq has abused its final chance.
As the UNSCOM reports concludes, and again I quote, ” Iraq’s conduct ensured that no progress was able to be made in the fields of disarmament. “In light of this experience, and in the absence of full cooperation by Iraq, it must regrettably be recorded again that the commission is not able to conduct the work mandated to it by the Security Council with respect to Iraq’s prohibited weapons program.”
In short, the inspectors are saying that even if they could stay in Iraq, their work would be a sham.
Saddam’s deception has defeated their effectiveness. Instead of the inspectors disarming Saddam, Saddam has disarmed the inspectors.
This situation presents a clear and present danger to the stability of the Persian Gulf and the safety of people everywhere. The international community gave Saddam one last chance to resume cooperation with the weapons inspectors. Saddam has failed to seize the chance.
And so we had to act and act now.
Let me explain why.
First, without a strong inspection system, Iraq would be free to retain and begin to rebuild its chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programs in months, not years.
Second, if Saddam can crippled the weapons inspection system and get away with it, he would conclude that the international community — led by the United States — has simply lost its will. He will surmise that he has free rein to rebuild his arsenal of destruction, and someday — make no mistake — he will use it again as he has in the past.
Third, in halting our air strikes in November, I gave Saddam a chance, not a license. If we turn our backs on his defiance, the credibility of U.S. power as a check against Saddam will be destroyed. We will not only have allowed Saddam to shatter the inspection system that controls his weapons of mass destruction program; we also will have fatally undercut the fear of force that stops Saddam from acting to gain domination in the region.
That is why, on the unanimous recommendation of my national security team — including the vice president, the secretary of defense, the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, the secretary of state and the national security adviser — I have ordered a strong, sustained series of air strikes against
Iraq.
They are designed to degrade Saddam’s capacity to develop and deliver weapons of mass destruction, and to degrade his ability to threaten his neighbors.
At the same time, we are delivering a powerful message to Saddam. If you act recklessly, you will pay a heavy price. We acted today because, in the judgment of my military advisers, a swift response would provide the most surprise and the least opportunity for Saddam to prepare.
If we had delayed for even a matter of days from Chairman Butler’s report, we would have given Saddam more time to disperse his forces and protect his weapons.
Also, the Muslim holy month of Ramadan begins this weekend. For us to initiate military action during Ramadan would be profoundly offensive to the Muslim world and, therefore, would damage our relations with Arab countries and the progress we have made in the Middle East.
That is something we wanted very much to avoid without giving Iraq’s a month’s head start to prepare for potential action against it. Finally, our allies, including Prime Minister Tony Blair of Great Britain, concurred that now is the time to strike. I hope Saddam will come into cooperation with the inspection system now and comply with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. But we have to be prepared that he will not, and we must deal with the very real danger he poses.
So we will pursue a long-term strategy to contain Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction and work toward the day when Iraq has a government worthy of its people.
First, we must be prepared to use force again if Saddam takes threatening actions, such as trying to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction or their delivery systems, threatening his neighbors, challenging allied aircraft over Iraq or moving against his own Kurdish citizens.
The credible threat to use force, and when necessary, the actual use of force, is the surest way to contain Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction program, curtail his aggression and prevent another Gulf War.
Second, so long as Iraq remains out of compliance, we will work with the international community to maintain and enforce economic sanctions. Sanctions have cost Saddam more than $120 billion — resources that would have been used to rebuild his military. The sanctions system allows
Iraq to sell oil for food, for medicine, for other humanitarian supplies for the Iraqi people.
We have no quarrel with them. But without the sanctions, we would see the oil-for-food program become oil-for-tanks, resulting in a greater threat to
Iraq’s neighbors and less food for its people.
The hard fact is that so long as Saddam remains in power, he threatens the well-being of his people, the peace of his region, the security of the world.
The best way to end that threat once and for all is with a new Iraqi government — a government ready to live in peace with its neighbors, a government that respects the rights of its people. Bringing change in
Baghdad will take time and effort. We will strengthen our engagement with the full range of Iraqi opposition forces and work with them effectively and prudently.
The decision to use force is never cost-free. Whenever American forces are placed in harm’s way, we risk the loss of life. And while our strikes are focused on
Iraq’s military capabilities, there will be unintended Iraqi casualties.
Indeed, in the past, Saddam has intentionally placed Iraqi civilians in harm’s way in a cynical bid to sway international opinion.
We must be prepared for these realities. At the same time, Saddam should have absolutely no doubt if he lashes out at his neighbors, we will respond forcefully.
Heavy as they are, the costs of action must be weighed against the price of inaction. If Saddam defies the world and we fail to respond, we will face a far greater threat in the future. Saddam will strike again at his neighbors. He will make war on his own people.
And mark my words, he will develop weapons of mass destruction. He will deploy them, and he will use them.
Because we’re acting today, it is less likely that we will face these dangers in the future.
Let me close by addressing one other issue. Saddam Hussein and the other enemies of peace may have thought that the serious debate currently before the House of Representatives would distract Americans or weaken our resolve to face him down.
But once more, the United States has proven that although we are never eager to use force, when we must act in
America’s vital interests, we will do so.
In the century we’re leaving,
America has often made the difference between chaos and community, fear and hope. Now, in the new century, we’ll have a remarkable opportunity to shape a future more peaceful than the past, but only if we stand strong against the enemies of peace.
Tonight, the
United States is doing just that. May God bless and protect the brave men and women who are carrying out this vital mission and their families. And may God bless
America.
Republicans skeptical of
Iraq attack on eve of impeachment vote
WASHINGTON (AllPolitics, December 16, 1998)
– White House officials insist a looming impeachment vote in the House had no bearing on President Clinton’s decision to bomb Iraq — but planes were still in the air as a chorus of critics began voicing skepticism about the timing.
In this story:

Prominent among the skeptics: Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Mississippi) and House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Texas).
“I cannot support this military action in the
Persian Gulf at this time,” Lott said in a statement. “Both the timing and the policy are subject to question.”
“The suspicion some people have about the president’s motives in this attack is itself a powerful argument for impeachment,” Armey said in a statement. “After months of lies, the president has given millions of people around the world reason to doubt that he has sent Americans into battle for the right reasons.”
Armey renewed his call for the president to resign.
“Whatever happens, it will take years to repair the damage President Clinton has done to his office and his country,” Armey said.
House intelligence chair says not consulted
Rep. Porter Goss, chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, said he was unaware that U.S. airstrikes were planned against
Iraq until he saw them under way on CNN.
Goss (R-Florida) expressed anger that he was never notified by the White House that a strike was imminent and that no members of the House Intelligence Committee were brought into the loop.
“To be cut out at the eleventh hour is annoying, and it’s certainly not helpful,” Goss said.
He called the fact he was not contacted “a bad mistake of judgment or an oversight by the White House. … Today the White House should be looking for friends. It’s not a good idea to ambush people.”
“It’s certainly rather suspicious timing,” said Rep. Tillie Fowler (R-Florida). “I think the president is shameless in what he would do to stay in office.”
Torricelli calls GOP criticism ‘unforgivable’
Some Democrats reacted angrily to the criticism of
Clinton’s motives by congressional Republicans.
Sen. Robert Torricelli (D-New Jersey) called the GOP reaction “as close to a betrayal of the interests of the
United States as I’ve ever witnessed in the United States Congress. It’s unforgivable and reprehensible.”
“This is a time for our country to be united, even though we’re divided on other matters,” said Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle (D-South Dakota).
He and House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Missouri) issued a joint statement defending the timing, saying “any delay would have given (Iraqi President) Saddam Hussein time to reconstitute his arsenal of weapons of mass destruction and undermine international support for our efforts.”
A number of administration officials, including Secretary of Defense William Cohen, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and National Security Adviser Sandy Berger, rejected the charge that the president’s political problems were a motivating factor.
Gen. Hugh Shelton, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, backed up that assessment.
Eagleburger: ‘Timing stinks’
Some Republicans also were supportive of
Clinton’s actions. Outgoing House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Georgia) said the strikes were an example of “the
U.S. leading the world by exercising its military power in an appropriate way.”
But some outside Congress wondered about the timing. Lawrence Eagleburger, who served as secretary of state during the Bush years, noted the proximity to the impeachment proceedings, saying, “While I approve the action, I think the timing stinks, frankly.”
Paul Weyrich, a leading conservative activist, said
Clinton’s decision to bomb on the eve of the impeachment vote “is more of an impeachable offense than anything he is being charged with in Congress.”
Impeachment debate delayed
Clinton ordered what he called a “strong, sustained” military strike against
Iraq on Wednesday in retaliation for its continued failure to cooperate with U.N. weapons inspectors.
The decision came one day before the House was to meet to consider four articles of impeachment. charging
Clinton with perjury, obstruction of justice and abuse of power in the Monica Lewinsky affair.
Clinton has admitted the affair, but he has steadfastly denied he committed perjury.
In the days and hours before the strike, the president’s political situation deteriorated as a steady stream of undecided House members, most of them Republicans, announced they would support impeachment.
House Speaker-elect Bob Livingston (R-Louisiana) later announced a delay in the impeachment debate, possibly until Friday or Saturday. The decision came after a caucus of House Republicans during which,
Livingston indicated, there was a strong debate over whether to delay impeachment.
Republican pollster Neil Newhouse said GOP leaders could lose the momentum for impeachment during a delay if pro-impeachment Republicans get skittish.
“These guys are ready to vote but, truthfully, I don’t know how much more pressure they can stand up to,” Newhouse said.
Rep. Solomon: Attack designed to create ‘leverage’
The public expressions of skepticism accelerated when an angry Rep. Gerald Solomon (R-New York) issued a statement with the headline: “Bombs Away — Save Impeachment for Another Day?”
“It is obvious that they’re (the Clinton White House) doing everything they can to postpone the vote on this impeachment in order to try to get whatever kind of leverage they can, and the American people ought to be as outraged as I am about it,” Solomon said in an interview with CNN.
Asked if he was accusing
Clinton of playing with American lives for political expediency, Solomon said, “Whether he knows it or not, that’s exactly what he’s doing. When you put our troops in the air or on the ground, you are risking their lives. This president ought to know better. I don’t know if he does or not, because he’s so unpredictable.”
Solomon complained that key congressmen had not been told of the military strike. He said
Clinton should have briefed more members of Congress and delayed the attack until early next week.
“It would still be spontaneous,” Solomon said. “He could still launch the attack, but it would not have been political the way it is today.”
Upon hearing Solomon’s remarks, Democratic Rep. Sam Gejdenson of
Connecticut went before CNN’s cameras to rip into Solomon for his accusation.
“Gerry Solomon’s spent a career here making outrageous statements, but as an ex-Marine, he ought to know better,” Gejdenson said. “That was an outrageous, outrageous statement.”
Gejdenson said the nation cannot tie a president’s hands based on developments on Capitol Hill.
“Think of the message,” Gejdenson said. “If we tell every country out there that might want to do harm to America’s interests that every time there’s a political squabble in
Washington, the presidency has to be frozen, that’s outrageous.”
CNN’s Bob Franken, Ann Curley and Ted Barrett and The Associated Press contributed to this report.